I expect nothing less than those who believe propaganda over real history.
'Civil War' Deserves Emmy for Pseudohistory
Mr. Burns neatly pushed the Corwin Amendment under the rug. Early in 1861, the United States Congress presented the amendment to the states for ratification. It permitted the continuation of slavery in the states where it existed. Of the three states that ratified it, two did so after the firing on Fort Sumter - Maryland, a Yankee-occupied state, Ohio and Illinois. Lincoln's own state, Illinois, ratified it in state convention Feb. 14, 1862.
What irony! The Confederate Constitution outlawed the slave trade. Northern states ratified an amendment to the United States Constitution approving of slavery. Logically, the Northern states should have also seceded. So, union, not slavery was the issue...
Mr. Burns saw to it that the camp for Union prisoners at Andersonville, Ga., but not that for Southern prisoners in Elmira, N.Y., was mentioned. Nearly 3,000 Confederates, including many of my cousins, died of exposure, hunger, wounds and disease at Elmira (''Civil War Prison to Get Monument,'' news article, Aug. 12, 1984). What but revenge was the North's excuse for that? The South could not feed itself, let alone the thousands of prisoners Grant refused to exchange. The North had plenty. It would take 11 hours more to counteract Mr. Burns's bias. If there were an Emmy for pseudohistory, ''The Civil War'' would win hands down. Unfortunately, it will probably win an Emmy anyway. Thank goodness for the United Daughters of the Confederacy and organizations like ours to preserve history, not invent it.
Thanks a Lot, Ken Burns
For all its appeal, however,
The Civil War is a deeply misleading and reductive film that often loses historical reality in the mists of Burns' sentimental vision and the romance of Foote's anecdotes...
Perhaps most disingenuously, the film's cursory treatment of Reconstruction obscures the fact that the Civil War did not exactly end in April of 1865 with a few handshakes and a mutual appreciation for a war well fought. Instead, the war's most important outcome—emancipation—produced a terrible and violent reckoning with the legacy of slavery that continued well into the 20th century...
Too often, Foote's grand pronouncements and anecdotes become substitutes for more serious consideration of difficult historical dynamics. In the first episode, "The Cause," Foote nearly negates Burns' careful 15-minute portrait of slavery's role in the coming of the war with a 15-second story of a "single, ragged Confederate who obviously didn't own any slaves." When asked by a group of Yankee soldiers why he was fighting, the Rebel replied, "I'm fighting because you're down here," which, according to a smirking Foote, "was a pretty satisfactory answer."
The Documentary Was Biased
There were no saints, and both sides had sinners, but not to hear Ken Burns of Walpole, N.H., the man behind public television's documentary "The Civil War," tell it. No, he says Robert E. Lee, "our favorite general," was "a traitor" who "was responsible for more American deaths than Hitler and Tojo." And in one of the "documentary's" voice-overs, Confederate Gen. Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson is described as a "pious, blue-eyed killer," while Abraham Lincoln is dubbed America's "greatest president." Here they go again, rounding up and adding to the usual fictions.
Burns' post-program description of his work made clear what the first night's offering strongly implied: something was amiss; bias was afoot. Whatever else subsequent episodes might show, we would know his pen was poisoned, his camera unfocused.
Victory breeds arrogance. Wartime propaganda becomes peacetime gospel and, eventually, undergoes an inexplicable metamorphosis to become historical fact.
Virginia is a case in point. On April 4, 1861, the Virginia State Convention voted 89 to 45 against secession. On April 17, the vote was 88 to 55 for secession. What happened to change so many minds so quickly? The Burns version says it was the firing on Fort Sumter - a "battle" devoid of fatalities. But Burns has his fiction right and his facts wrong, for it was Lincoln's call for 75,000 volunteers on April 15 that forced Virginia out of the Union - it was either that or join a federal invasion of the Confederacy.
Lee, like most Americans, North and South, in that tragic time, sided with his family, friends and heritage. He went with his state. But he did not go to wage war. Indeed, fiction notwithstanding, war fever had not gripped the South. There was no cry of "On to Washington," and as late as April 29, Confederate President Jefferson Davis, speaking to the Confederate Congress, mirrored the true popular sentiment: "We desire peace at any sacrifice save that of honor and independence. . . . All we ask is to be let alone; that those who never held power over us shall not now attempt our subjugation by arms."
But that speech and the cause and timing of Virginia's departure are not to be heard in the Burns' version. North Carolina, Arkansas and Tennessee, which had also voted against secession and had likewise reversed their votes, also did so rather than attack their sister states.
Of note, these four late-seceding states nearly doubled the population of the Confederacy, a fact that can only be seen as the result of a colossal political blunder on the part of Lincoln. He had other choices - a blockade being paramount among them - that might have brought the seven seceding states back into the fold without forcing the other four out. But Lincoln did not even entertain such an idea, and certainly he paid no attention to Davis' plea for "peace at any price." Yet Burns blames the American holocaust on Lee and calls Jackson a "killer."
History according to Burns is not just wrong history; it is superficial and fleeting, a quick glimpse as if he were acknowledging its inability to withstand scrutiny. He has given narration to a picture book, and one can almost see those still, tragic faces cringe at the thoughts and motives he has placed in their hearts.
He has bought in to the "Uncle Tom's Cabin" version of slavery, without stating that 432,586 people - according to the 1860 census - were held as slaves in the states remaining in the Union, slaves which Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation did not free. Burns' version only admits the fact, not the magnitude of this hypocrisy.
He does acknowledge that most of the men in the Confederate Army were not slaveholders, but he does not tell the extent of non-involvement: 75 percent of all Southerners were not associated directly or by family with slavery, yet Burns makes clear that these people were fighting to preserve that "peculiar institution." In fact, the Southern soldier was fighting for independence against an invading army. So significant was this point that large numbers of them refused to carry the war to Northern soil, notably in the Antietam Campaign of 1862.
The propagandist's crooked thread wends its way through this production. Ken Burns has made war against defenseless, silent pictures. He has opened old wounds with old lies and defamed a generation of Americans.